Japan from the inside out

Posts Tagged ‘Yamamoto I.’

Small beer for small government in Japan

Posted by ampontan on Thursday, November 10, 2011

THIS summer, the Diet passed legislation that included special measures for power companies to purchase renewable energy. Here are some comments from Ikeda Nobuo.

(The passage) was very welcome if only because the prime minister (Kan) will now resign, but I was concerned with the self-congratulation from Kono Taro, Seko Hiroshige (both LDP), and others who declared this to be an epochal event. I’m in basic agreement with their (classical) liberal policies, but this bill is in contradiction to that philosophy.

The government’s feed-in tariff regulating the purchase price of power is a measure beloved by the European social democratic parties. Even Bill Gates has pointed out that it will cause the energy industry to degenerate into a heavily subsidized sector.

That’s fine if all you’re thinking about is getting your hands on plenty of subsidy money. It’s even clever. A lot of subsidies are being distributed, even though it isn’t economically rational. In fact, 90% of the subsidies are allocated to building facilities. The same is true for Europe and the United States. Very little is allocated to R&D.

The renewable energy bill anticipates setting the purchase price below JPY 20/kWh. For solar power, this is incompatible with profitability. In a different context, the price of JPY 40 for 20 years that Son Masayoshi dreams of isn’t possible. He’s very bright, so he’s already begun shifting his interest to natural gas. Selling the inferior electric power generated by inexpensive solar cells will also be regulated, so making a killing will be out of the question. In the end, nothing will result from the renewable energy bill.

Also, Matsuda Kota (Your Party) introduced his bill for a national referendum on nuclear power. The reason these Diet members, seen by the public at large as reformers, are so enthusiastic about the ill-defined idea of reducing reliance on nuclear energy is that it is a buzzword accepted by the public. They lack a strong electoral base, so policy is their only road to popularity. “Eco” is the perfect image strategy.

Of course, gaining popularity through policy is preferable to the LDP political style of winning elections by spreading benefits to local supporters, but in the end, these MPs have become mass media zokugiin. (N.B.: That term is usually applied to MPs who represent the vested interests of individual ministries.) Their objective is to win the acclaim of mass media, particularly television. Yamamoto Ichita (LDP), a key member of the ruling/opposition party council that worked out the legislation, is also one of the principal members of the Diet members’ group supporting special designation for newspapers — from which he receives political contributions.

The ones beyond redemption are the members of the generation following the current baby boomers. There seems to be a consensus for small government among that generation, but many of them make an exception for regulating the economy for energy and environmental policies. That will exacerbate the structurally high costs of the Japanese economy and pass the bill on to future generations. When will they realize that this is just as bad as the Democratic Party’s pork barrel social welfare schemes?

(end translation)


Ikeda Nobuo didn’t like the bill, but the Japanese branch of the World Wildlife Federation was thrilled about it.

Matsuda Kota was the man who brought Starbucks to Japan, got rich, sold his stake in the business, and got elected to the upper house last year as a Your Party PR candidate. I sometimes follow his Twitter account. He’s intelligent and energetic, but he also really needs someone to tell him to put a lid on it every once in a while.

Prof. Ikeda identifies Kono Taro as a classical liberal, and Mr. Kono identifies himself as an advocate for small government. I wonder. Among his other dicey ideas, Mr. Kono supports ending foreign aid and replacing it with an international tax on financial transactions. The revenue would be given to some undefined international organization to dispense for development purposes.

Regardless of the merits or demerits of that idea, if Mr. Kono thinks that’s classical liberalism or small government, his compass is broken. Either he’s trying to fool us, or he’s already fooled himself.

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Is that duck just lame or is it dead?

Posted by ampontan on Sunday, June 5, 2011

– A Japanese proverb meaning that no matter how much one regrets an event after it is concluded, one can’t undo something that occurred because of one’s negligence or tardiness

IT NOW seems that soon-to-be former Prime Minister Kan Naoto’s attempt of political jujitsu on his co-founder of the Democratic Party of Japan will result in his spectacularly clumsy pratfall, as noise is leaking out from Democratic Party sphincters that he will resign no later than August (if we can take his word this time). It’s tempting to say that will be the perfect capstone to the career of the classic dullwit who thought he was clever, but some will disagree. One of them is Nishimura Shingo, an MP with the Sunrise Japan party, who has also passed through the LDP and the DPJ entrails:

“Kan Naoto’s finishing moves are superb. He’s an inept prime minister, but no fool. He would have been perfectly suited as an activist for the Comintern or any Communist organization.”

Another reason it wouldn’t apply is because Mr. Kan didn’t dream up that cockamamie scheme by himself. He’s not capable of it, but the roughly dozen people who did put it together knew it would appeal to him. That back story might give us a glimpse of a possible post-Kan administration. It’s not a pretty sight, but we’ll get to that shortly.

Hatoyama Kunio told a journalist he thought the no-confidence motion had no chance of passing until his brother Yukio called him on 30 May. After that conversation, he began to think it just might be possible. He met former Health Minister and former LDP member Masuzoe Yoichi of the New Renaissance Party the next day and laid out the plot. Ozawa Ichiro and his allies would form a new party, but public opinion would be “very allergic” to any political group involving Mr. Ozawa. They wouldn’t be strong enough to establish a prime minister on their own, so they would team up with the LDP to support a new Prime Minister Masuzoe.

Mr. Masuzoe liked the sound of that.

Meanwhile, on the night of 1 June, People’s New Party chief Kamei Shizuka phoned Chief Cabinet Secretary Edano Yukio:

Kamei: “Is it your intention to self destruct? Do it (tell him to resign) if you have to grab the prime minister by the neck.

Edano: “I’m thinking of telling him.”

Perhaps bored with completing the assembly of his shiny new political toy, however, Hatoyama Yukio kept hope alive that he could talk Mr. Kan into stepping down. Later that night 10 people met at the Kantei and hatched a plot to leverage that hope to their benefit. The draft of the document to which Mr. Hatoyama and Mr. Kan agreed the next day was hammered out under the direction of Sengoku Yoshito and Edano Yukio, the former and current chief cabinet secretaries. Both men were attorneys before entering politics, which explains why the memorandum and Mr. Kan’s insistence on following it to the letter had the stench of the barrister about it.

Naoto explaining on the 3rd how he put one over on his pal Yukio

Several wheels were spinning in different directions simultaneously. The primary objective was to kill the no confidence motion and stay in power — any other solution hastens the day they return to the opposition benches. They decided to heave Mr. Ozawa and his allies from the party if 40-50 of his DPJ allies crossed the line and voted for the motion. That would allow them to retain their lower house majority and get rid of the Great Destroyer at last. DPJ Secretary-General Okada Katsuya wanted to X him out before the vote, but Koshi’ishi Azuma, head of the party’s delegation in the upper house, said in effect, over my dead body. (Personal loyalty can sometimes be thicker than ideology. A teachers’ union veteran, Mr. Koshi’ishi’s philosophy of the left is closer to that of Messrs. Kan, Sengoku, and Edano, but he’s developed close ties with Mr. Ozawa in their efforts to make the DPJ a serious political party.)

The group planned to eject the rebels even if the no-confidence motion passed. That would cause the loss of their lower house majority, but they had something clever planned for that one, too. Option C was reportedly a time-limited coalition government with the LDP and New Komeito. The Sengoku Reconstruction and Recovery Cabinet — steady, steady — would also work for entry into the TPP and the return of multiple-seat election districts that the LDP and New Komeito seek.

In short, the government would be directed by a man who is every bit as odious as Kan Naoto, but more dangerous because of his intelligence and capabilities. Bringing back the old electoral system would be a step in the direction of bringing back the bad old politics of the past. It would greatly expedite recovery and reconstruction, but at a price higher than the outlay in yen.

Worse yet, it’s still possible. And Mr. Sengoku is the man the opposition absolutely positively could not work with six months ago.

The primary objective, however, was to dupe Mr. Hatoyama and keep Mr. Kan around for awhile without having to resort to a drastic political realignment. The final wording of the memorandum was worked out between Hirano Hirofumi, Mr. Hatoyama’s chief cabinet secretary, and Defense Minister Kitazawa Toshimi, who selflessly found the time to spare from his duties of protecting the nation from foreign attack.

Mr. Hirano and Mr. Okada were present during the Hatoyama-Kan meeting. Here’s how the conversation is said to have gone:

Hatoyama: Will you resign when the basic recovery bill is passed and the outlook is established for the second supplementary budget?

Kan: Yes. I agree.

Hatoyama: In that case, please sign here.

Kan: We’re members of the same party, so please trust me. I’m not that attached to the position of prime minister.

After the meeting, Mr. Hatoyama reported on the conversaton to Ozawa Ichiro:

Ozawa: How far did you press him?

Hatoyama: I’ll talk about that at the (party) meeting.

Following the vote that rejected the motion, Mr. Hatoyama spoke with some allies as they waited for an elevator in the Diet office building:

“We still can’t let down our guard. If he doesn’t keep his promise, we’ll have to convene a meeting of (our) Diet members with 150 — no — 250 people.”

Wrote freelance journalist Itagaki Eiken:

“Immediately after the DPJ was created, former Prime Minister Hatoyama Yukio bluntly told me that Mr. Kan could not be trusted. Several times after that, he grumbled that he had been deceived by Mr. Kan. Was he fooled by Prime Minister Kan Naoto again?”

Is the Emperor Shinto?

Mr. Kan appeared for Question Time in the Diet on Friday. Ono Jiro of Your Party came straight to the point:

Ono: When you held your discussion with former Prime Minister Hatoyama, did the commitment to resign arise?

Kan: I, somehow, under this condition…uh…the idea that I made some promise, if you’re talking about the idea that I made that promise, there was absolutely no promise like that at all.

That was his story, and he stuck to it:

“I said it in the sense of the stage when the outlook for heading in the direction of creating a new society, that direction…Our party has many exceptional people in their 30s, 40s, and 50s. Then I will pass the responsibility on to them, and hope they do their best.”


“In my conversation with former Prime Minister Hatoyama, there was no sort of promise other than what was written on that document with the items of agreement…the agreement with Mr. Hatoyama was as written on that document. I think it best if I refrain from saying anything beyond that.”

One can visualize Sengoku and Edano, attorneys at law, advising him to clam up on any question beyond the language of the memo.

The news media loved what happened next. Here’s Hatoyama Yukio:

“That’s a lie. The prime minister and I discussed the conditions for resignation.”

Over to you, Naoto:

(shouting) “What’s he saying! That’s not written on the paper!”

Former MP Yokohama Mayor Nakata Hiroshi summed up the exchange:

“When I heard the story about a resignation after the outlook for recovery was set, I thought the Ozawa-Hatoyama side and the Kan side purposely made it vague to prevent a DPJ split. Now I see they’re just trading charges and counter-charges over who said what. This was not a political decision by adults. It’s something even lower than children’s squabbling.”

A Hatoyama associate, probably Mr. Hirano again, told the media:

“In the conversation with the prime minister, the idea that he would hand over authority to the younger generation didn’t come up at all. He added that later.”

Speaking of Hirano Hirofumi, he got a call from Koshi’ishi Azuma berating him for not pinning Mr. Kan down more precisely.

Matsuda Kota of Your Party, the head of a private sector company himself, had this to write about Hatoyama Yukio:

“If Mr. Hatoyama were the head of a private sector company, that company would collapse in an instant. (There would also be a shareholders lawsuit). If he were just a salaryman, he would be immediately fired as an employee incapable of doing his job. That a person such as he was the leader of a country gives me chills down my spine. That the memo had the recovery listed only as the third point clearly shows what they were thinking. The most important thing for them was maintaining their government. Japan cannot be entrusted to that sort of government.”

Many in the DPJ soon realized the quick fix only made matters worse. Party Vice-President Ishii Hajime spoke an officers’ meeting on the night of 2 June:

“The Kan Cabinet is now a lame duck administration, and the focus is on when they will quit. We should resolve to make arrangements with the opposition to have the Cabinet quit with the passage of the legislation for the special bond issue, the second supplementary budget, and the basic recovery law.”

After the meeting, he told the news media:

“I want to go to the Kantei with Koshi’ishi Azuma on the 3rd and tell the prime minister that the road left open to him is an honorable withdrawal.”

Too late for the part about honor, but with Kan Naoto the soap has to be very soft.

Then again, Mr. Kan was making matters much worse for himself. On the night of the 2nd, he was asked about extending the Diet session. Just a week ago, he wanted to finish early to save himself. Now he wanted to prolong it to save himself:

“If we were to respond to the opinion of the people that they want us to be able to debate necessary issues in the Diet at any time, then in fact we would have a year-round diet, until some point in December.”

It helps to know that it’s against the rules to submit more than one no-confidence motion in one Diet session.

Some people couldn’t understand all the brouhaha. Here’s Kan ally and Justice Minister Eda Satsuki:

“This was a high-level discussion between two politicians, so they didn’t decide every last detail.”

Yes, the Minister of Justice of a nation thinks it’s copacetic for written agreements to be vague and open to different interpretations.

Financial Services Minister Yosano Kaoru was more philosophical:

“It’s natural that a politician would strive to remain in his position.”

Fukushima Mizuho, head of the Social Democrats, said what a leftist lawyer would be expected to say:

“I thought (the memorandum) was a declaration to stay in office. There’s no difference between his afternoon statement and his evening statement…Isn’t Mr. Hatoyama misunderstanding what happened?”

Edano Yukio is another bird of that feather, but he has to be more diplomatic because he’s also the chief cabinet secretary:

“I don’t think either of them is intentionally saying something different than the facts of the matter. The gap in awareness is regrettable. We must work to ensure there is no political turmoil.”

Once again, someone in the DPJ sees the horse galloping into the next county and decides it would be best to close the barn door. Speaking of turmoil, here’s LDP head Tanigaki Sadakazu on the 3rd:

“We will cooperate to pass a basic law of recovery. Other than that, cooperation is impossible.”

And New Komeito Secretary General Inoue Yoshihisa that same morning answering a question about upper house censure:

“That is of course one method that will be fully considered at the appropriate time.”

An upper house censure is non-binding, but upper house President Nishioka Takeo would be happy to see Mr. Kan evaporate. Refusing to call the house into session or to allow the prime minister entry are binding in their own way.

The prime minister’s problems extended to well within his own party. Reported Toyama Kiyohiko of New Komeito:

“DPJ Diet members I know told me that Mr. Kan promised to resign in a month or two, which is why most of the DPJ members voted against the motion. When he tried to extend it until the resolution of Fukushima and came up with the idea of extending the diet until December, it was a broken promise. He has no support in the party.

“When Prime Minister Kan duped his colleague, he made it very likely a censure motion will pass in the upper house in the near future. If the DPJ can’t bring him down, he’ll be prohibited from entering the upper house chamber. At that point the government will come to a standstill. If he’s kept the Diet in session all year, he cannot extend his political life. Yesterday was the beginning of the end for Prime Minister Kan.”

Upper house member Yamamoto Ichita questioned the prime minister and some of his deputies during Question Time on the 3rd. An aide to another MP took notes. He said the records would have to be checked for the precise wording, but it was close to the actual exchange. Here it is in English:

Yamamoto: Is it fair to say you expressed your intention to step down, to resign at the DJP Diet members’ conference?

Kan: That expression (swindler) is not appropriate….I want it to be understood (about resignation) as being at the stage when I have fulfilled a certain role that I should perform — until I have fulfilled my responsibility and the prospects have been set to a certain extent —

Yamamoto: At your news conference on the night of the 2nd, you said nothing about resigning or stepping down. Did you express your intention to step down or resign?

Kan: None of the people in the media are in a position to say this or that about which expression I used

Yamamoto: That isn’t an answer. You won’t resign until next January, right? You won’t resign until next January?

Kan: It is a fact that the mass media has taken my words at the news conference in different ways, but…

Yamamoto: What you meant by the outlook being established to a certain extent is the end of the cooling at Fukushima, isn’t it? When the media reported your intention to resign, you became a lame duck both at home and abroad. The special legislation for the government bonds and the second supplementary budget will be the work of the next prime minister. It isn’t possible for you to dispose of these pending matters. Please set a deadline.

Kan: I said exactly what I said.

Yamamoto: You have no intention of resigning, right? If you can’t say you are stepping down, that’s fraudulent.

Mr. Yamamoto switched to Vice Minister for Internal Affairs and Communication Watanabe Shu:

Yamamoto: Why did you resign?

Watanabe: The prime minister announced his intention to resign. I listened to his speech at the DPJ Diet members’ meeting, and since the prime minister was thinking of resigning, I saw no need to vote for the no confidence motion. I thought the prime minister would resign when the outlook for recovery were set.

Yamamoto: The prime minister has not said he would resign or step down.

Then to Hidaka Takeshi, parliamentary environment secretary:

Yamamoto: Mr. Hidaka, did you envision that situation when you switched your vote to nay? Or did you think that he would step down soon?

Hidaka: I submitted my resignation for the sake of stronger leadership. The prime minister said in public he would resign. I voted no because I sensed his resolve (to help) the damaged area.

Yamamoto: When you heard the intent to resign, did you think he would resign imminently?

Hidaka: I didn’t know how long it would be, but I sensed his resolve.

Back to the prime minister:

Yamamoto: You haven’t said you intend to resign or step down, but what is a rough date for you to leave?

Kan: Outlook is a commonly used word. It’s common sense that the word means there would be a certain interval.

Yamamoto: You’re not answering at all. Former Prime Minister Hatoyama thinks you’ll step down by the end of June. Is he lying?

Kan: I, in my own words…

Yamamoto: That’s the same as saying Mr. Hatoyama is mistaken, is lying, or misunderstood. Who is correct, Mr. Hatoyama or Mr. Okada?

Kan: Both Mr. Hirano and Mr. Okada were at the meeting with Mr. Hatoyama. Mr. Okada is expressing his awareness from that viewpoint. My agreement with Mr. Hatoyama is as written in the document.

Yamamoto: Mr. Hatoyama is saying that if you claim your promise to him was a lie, your only course is to resign. What do you think?

Kan: in regard to the current question, my awareness is the same as Mr. Okada’s.

Yamamoto: So you’re saying that Mr. Hatoyama is mistaken. You won’t even admit that you said you’d step down. Can a prime minister who’s told the world he’ll quit properly conduct foreign policy?…It’s not possible for the government and the opposition to cooperate under a Kan administration.

It didn’t take a weathervane for Edano Yukio to figure out which way the wind was blowing. When asked again about a Kan resignation, he said “It won’t be that long.“ Fukushima Mizuho thought that was a critical development. Others echoed her sentiments when another Cabinet member, Matsumoto Ryu, the Minister for the Environment and Disaster Management said: “In my mind it is by the end of June. The outlook for recovery should be quickly established.”

Abiru Rui is assigned to cover the Kantei for the Sankei Shimbun. Mr. Kan dislikes him so much he refuses to call on him at news conferences, and the feeling is mutual. Even discounting that, however, the reporter likely expressed the thoughts of many, if not most people:

“It’s difficult to describe just how stupid and loopy Mr. Hatoyama is. The prime minister twisted him around his finger when he pretended he would resign soon, and used that to extend the life of his Cabinet. Prime Minister Kan betrayed both the compatriots of his own party and the people of the country. His shabby behavior is at a level that does not withstand scrutiny.

“He told the people around him that he wanted to leave his name in history, and that’s exactly what will happen. The ignobility of his character is at such an unprecedented, isolated extreme, it will not be extinguished from the people’s memory even if they try. I cannot understand the emotions of people who would support this humanoid picture of cheap, cowardly meanness. I don’t even want to.”

Also expressing the thoughts of many was an anonymous first term DPJ member of the lower house speaking to a reporter:

“I have a feeling that the end of the DPJ has only just begun.”


* The Asahi English edition recommends that the prime minister “exit gracefully”. They apparently chose their Deep Space correspondent to write the editorial.

* My father used to say, “Fool me once, shame on you. Fool me twice, shame on me.” Had it not been for his shameless behavior as DPJ party head and prime minister, Mr. Hatoyama would have qualified for induction into the Hall of Shame long ago.

During his term as prime minister, which seems about 500 years ago now, I wrote that he was the first junior high school girl to serve as Japan’s prime minister. (Kan Naoto is the first junior high school boy.) An acquaintance of former U.S. President Warren Harding once observed that if Harding had been a girl, he would always have been “in the family way”. I suspect that would equally apply to Hatoyama Yukio.

* Were you surprised to read that Matsumoto Ryu was the Minister for Disaster Management? Most of Japan would be, too. Mr. Matsumoto is one of the DPJ’s Socialist Party refugees. Because his father made a mint in the construction industry, he’s also one of the wealthiest men in the Diet. (Yes, the Limousine Left swanks about in the streets of Japan, too.) He’s such a chowderhead they had to bring back Sengoku Yoshito and give him the de facto job while allowing Mr. Matsumoto to sit by the window. Appointing him to the position was a party favor, in both senses of the phrase, but even they weren’t about to let him do any real work.

Such capable stewards of the nation’s affairs, the DPJ.

* When Yokokume Katsuhito quit the DPJ last week, he said the party no longer had a reason to exist because it had fulfilled its historical mission. By that he meant breaking the LDP stranglehold on power. They’ve also accomplished one more signal achievement. Ozawa Ichiro might be fading from the scene at last. Mr. Ozawa had a party with his younger Diet allies on the night the no-confidence motion failed at a karaoke bar to commiserate. He was in reasonably good spirits, and tried to buck them up by telling them they had accomplished quite a bit even though they lost. No one got down and partied, however. Those present told reporters that no one picked up a microphone and sang.

The Nikkei Shimbun added a telling detail. Some of the MPs came late to the party and some left early, but Mr. Ozawa stayed to the end. Were the Destroyer of Worlds still both respected and feared for his power, no one would have been late to come or early to go.

* Surely the long-suffering Japanese people wish they could live under a political system like the one in Great Britain or the United States. It is curious that Americans are so quick to issue dire warnings about the Japanese economy, while it takes a foreign newspaper to point out the tsunami-sized destruction at home they’re too frightened too look at.

Another worthless politician, another worthless piece of paper

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You’d better think twice

Posted by ampontan on Wednesday, June 1, 2011

THE POLITICAL MOBS are meeting in Tokyo this week to gird their loins and line up the troops in anticipation of the submission of a no-confidence motion in the Kan Cabinet by the opposition Liberal Democratic Party and New Komeito. Judging from the surface turbulence, a lot of the squeezing and twisting that seems to be going on underwater would surely meet the disapproval of the Marquis of Queensbury. LDP upper house member Yamamoto Ichita commented that he didn’t think the motion had a chance of passage, but was surprised at the effort the ruling Democratic Party is expending to suppress the rebellion. He wonders if the situation within the DPJ might be more desperate than he suspected.

Here’s a taste of what he’s talking about. Justice Minister and ruling party member Eda Satsuki addressed Kan Naoto’s group/faction within the party yesterday, and said he was baffled that some in the party did not understand what a vote in support of that motion meant. I think they actually understand quite well what it means, but Mr. Eda made sure to remind those who didn’t:

“If there were a movement among some in the party in sympathy with the no-confidence motion, we would bury it with overwhelming force. I hope you really think seriously about this.”

The dread judge Mr. Eda and Mr. Kan, by the way, have been political pals for a long time. The first party both of them joined was a small group whose English name was the Socialist Democratic Federation. Come to think of it, Mr. Eda’s threat does have a whiff of the Politburo about it.

Meanwhile, Shimoji Mikio, secretary-general and parliamentary affairs chief of the People’s New Party, still part of the ruling coalition after all these years, met DPJ parliamentary affairs head Azumi Jun to let him know they would vote against the no-confidence measure. But he also delivered some pointed criticism:

“Half-baked threats are meaningless. Now you should be holding dialogues and working to unify the party.”

That’s an understandable position for the PNP. The party exists only because Koizumi Jun’ichiro threw some of them out of the LDP when they refused to back postal privatization.

At a news conference later, Mr. Shimoji said:

“The DPJ has more than 300 MPs in the lower house. The idea that there is a debate over whether or not the no-confidence motion will pass is strange in itself. Negligence on the part of DPJ leadership is the reason this situation has arisen, and it is very unpleasant.”

Another idea strange in itself is that the PNP continues to stay on board with the DPJ at all. For example, Mr. Shimoji also announced yesterday that the PNP opposes the DPJ plan to increase the consumption tax. The only reason this party of social conservatives has associated with a party of the left for this long is to kill the privatization of Japan Post. Such are the dilemmas of a single issue splinter party.

Contrary to Mr. Eda’s faux befuddlement, those members of the ruling coalition parties who have seriously considered voting for the measure know exactly what it means. At a minimum, they would be voting themselves out of the perks of power, and at worst, they would be voting themselves out of a job if a lower house election is called.

Yet some observers overseas blithely dismiss this whole episode as typical Japanese political infighting. If you want to see someone who doesn’t understand what the no-confidence motion means, that’s the direction in which to look.

There’s bound to be a whole lot of thinking goin’ on:

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Yamamoto Ichita on the DPJ in power

Posted by ampontan on Monday, May 16, 2011

SOME PEOPLE — most of them in the Anglosphere — wonder whether the inability of the Democratic Party of Japan to conduct the affairs of government with competence is due to their inexperience as the ruling party. That isn’t the view of the people who actually have to deal with them, however. The following are excerpts from an interview with Yamamoto Ichita, an upper house MP from the Koizumian wing of the LDP, which appeared in the Sankei Shimbun.

“After they formed a government, the DPJ championed the centralization of policy determination in the Cabinet to prevent conflict between the party and the Cabinet, but they haven’t achieved it.

“As symbolized by the abandonment of the clause in their manifesto to move the American air base at Futenma outside the prefecture, the DPJ jumps without looking from one position to another to curry favor with the public. They can’t implement those policies, however, so in the end they lose support. Then they start all over again by declaring their preference for different policies to curry favor with the public.”

Why does that happen?

“Because the DPJ has no process for determining policy.

“The chairmen of the DPJ and LDP policy research councils met to discuss the first supplementary budget for 2011 (which contained the initial funds for the reconstruction of the Tohoku region). The LDP brought a document approved by their General Council. The document from the Democratic Party, however, didn’t even have the D of the DPJ on it. When they were asked where the decisions were made, the DPJ said it was just a rough draft. When they were pressed on it, they said, ‘We’re the government and ruling party, so it’s fine.’

“That’s a slapdash way to do things. Bringing something that wasn’t a formal party decision to a meeting between the two parties is not the way to conduct business. Besides, they might change their minds later. To put it bluntly, it was an anonymous document. This one incident gives you an idea of what happens all the time. There’s no way we can work with this administration. In the second half of the Diet session, we will intensify our examination of the Kan administration with the intent of having them step down.”

Mr. Yamamoto doesn’t mention another reason for the DPJ’s inability to develop a mechanism for developing coherent policy positions (because everyone in Japan knows it). To wit: The DPJ is not a political party as is commonly understood in most other places. They are a congeries of politicians from the center-right who positioned themselves as “Not the LDP” candidates and refugees from the old Socialists and other left-wing groups who would never find themselves in a position of power (or in the Diet) if they ran under that brand.

It might have been understandable to use inexperience as an excuse for their incompetence during the first Diet session under their control in the fall of 2009, but that excuse no longer flies.

This is who they are.

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